Review of book The Devil and Communist China: From Mao Down to Xi. Stephen Mosher. 2024. Kindle online sample. Section 5.
The nineteenth century saw China’s last dynasty, the Qing dynasty (1644~1912), in terminal decline.
The corruption of the imperial court and the ineptitude of its officials had led to widespread poverty and runaway inflation.
Rebellions broke out in different parts of the Qing Empire; chief among these was the Taiping Rebellion, which engulfed the country from 1850 to 1864.
RUSSIA, GERMANY, GREAT BRITAIN, JAPAN, AND OTHER IMPERIAL POWERS ALL TOOK ADVANTAGE OF THE GROWING WEAKNESS OF THE QING.
They forced the emperor to sign “unequal treaties,” ceding trade, territory, and legal rights to them.
Rapidly modernizing Japan was particularly aggressive, seizing Taiwan and a Qing tributary state, Korea, in 1895, and wresting Manchuria away from Russia a decade later.
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The tottering remains of the Qing finally fell to the republican revolution of 1911–12, and six-year-old Emperor Puyi was forced to abdicate.
Following the collapse of the Qing, most provinces in China were ruled by local warlords.
THE SOUTHERN PROVINCE OF GUANGDONG—THE MOST WESTERNIZED OF CHINA’S PROVINCES—WAS THE SOLE EXCEPTION TO WARLORD RULE.
It was under the control of the Nationalist Party of China, also called the Kuomintang (“China's National People's Party”) , or KMT, which was headed by a charismatic leader by the name of Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
Almost alone among his contemporaries, Dr. Sun had studied in America and developed a clear understanding of our country’s republican form of government.
This understanding was immeasurably aided by his conversion to Christianity while he was there.
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Dr. Sun was instrumental in establishing the Republic of China—he modeled its constitution on the US Constitution—and was elected its first president.
Dr. Sun had thought deeply about how to reunite and restore China to its proper place among nations, and he devised a program called the Three Principles of the People to accomplish this end.
The three principles in question were democracy, nationalism, and the people’s welfare, or well-being.
TO HELP CHINA CATCH UP TO THE MODERN WORLD, MANY YOUNG CHINESE JOINED DR. SUN IN SEEKING TO BRING WESTERN DEMOCRATIC IDEALS INTO THEIR COUNTRY.
This effort at renewal became known as the New Culture Movement.
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China also aided the Western democracies in a practical way during the First World War by sending over 100,000 workers to support the British and French armies as they were engaging in grueling trench warfare on the Western Front.
This only added to the outrage felt by the Chinese people when, at the end of the war, THE GERMAN CONCESSION IN THE CHINESE PROVINCE OF SHANDONG WAS NOT GIVEN BACK TO CHINA, AS THE WESTERN ALLIES HAD PROMISED.
Instead, it was handed over to Imperial Japan.
[details below]
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Massive student protests against this betrayal broke out across the country.
Key figures of this patriotic awakening, which came to be known as the May Fourth Movement, later emerged as important political leaders in the Nationalist government.
OTHERS ANGRILY REJECTED AMERICAN-STYLE DEMOCRACY, BLAMING PROGRESSIVE PRESIDENT WOODROW WILSON FOR THE LOSS OF SHANDONG.
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MANY OF THESE PROTESTORS BECAME MARXISTS, CONVINCED THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA OFFERED A BETTER MODEL FOR FREEING CHINA from both imperialism and poverty than the West.
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MARXISM-LENINISM ALSO FREED THEM FROM THE MORAL RESTRAINTS DEMANDED BY A REPUBLICAN SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT, including respect for the fundamental dignity and inalienable rights of the human person.
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LENIN WASTED LITTLE TIME IN TAKING ADVANTAGE OF THE OPPORTUNITY TO SOW REVOLUTION IN THE WORLD’S MOST POPULOUS COUNTRY.
Following the establishment of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1919, Bolshevik agents were soon on their way to China.
In July 1921, they convened a meeting of leading Chinese Marxists in Shanghai, where they established the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The newly formed party followed Leninist lines, with power heavily concentrated in the hands of a few.
Mao, who had only become a Marxist the year before, played a minor role in the meeting.
But from his base in Hunan province, Mao immediately began plotting how to climb the power pyramid.
…
While financially supporting the CCP, Moscow also approached Dr. Sun, offering to help him build an army to unify China, but only on the condition
he would allow the Communists to join the effort.
He agreed, and the first United Front was formed in 1924.
But before the Nationalist army was ready to march, Dr. Sun died.
THE KMT’S SENIOR MILITARY COMMANDER, GENERAL CHIANG KAI-SHEK, WAS ELECTED AS DR. SUN’S SUCCESSOR, and the following year, what would become known as the Northern Expedition got under way.
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Chiang’s forces defeated one warlord after another as they made their way up the Chinese coast, successfully capturing Shanghai in early 1927.
SHANGHAI WAS THE CENTER OF CCP INFLUENCE AND ACTIVITY IN CHINA, AND ITS AGENTS BEGAN TO SECRETLY INFILTRATE NATIONALIST RANKS, corrupting it from within.
Chiang, who would soon become, like Dr. Sun himself, a committed Christian, decided the time had come to break with the Communists.
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In April 1927, Chiang Kai-shek’ KMT struck.
By the time the smoke cleared, the Communist Party had been virtually wiped out in its onetime stronghold.
THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR, WHICH WAS TO LAST FOR MORE THAN TWO DECADES, HAD BEGUN.
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Up to this point, Mao had merely been a bit player in Hunan province, with no military forces under his command.
But already Mao had learned, as he told one of Stalin’s agents in late 1927, that “POLITICAL POWER GROWS OUT OF THE BARREL OF A GUN.”
So he set out to get his hands on some.
On the pretext of launching an uprising in the city of Changsha, he convinced Party Central to give him operational control of the CCP’s only military force. As soon as he took command, he ordered them not to advance but instead to retreat into the hills.
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He led them deep into the rugged Jinggang Mountains and set up a Communist base area, with himself in charge.
It was the first time, but certainly not the last time, Mao would deceive and betray not just the party leadership but even those he called comrades to advance his career.
Over the course of the forced march to Jinggangshan many of his soldiers died of dysentery and disease, and large numbers deserted.
But none of that gave Mao pause.
MAO HAD GOTTEN WHAT HE WANTED, POWER, AND THAT WAS THE ONLY THING THAT MATTERED.
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The fortunes of the Red Base Areas in South China rose and fell in the years that followed, as did Mao’s own.
Wearied of his scheming, double-dealing, and blackmailing, other Communist leaders repeatedly tried to oust Mao from his position in the leadership, if not from the party itself.
They failed, primarily because MOSCOW—WHICH IN THOSE DAYS MEANT SOVIET DICTATOR JOSEPH STALIN—WAS IMPRESSED BY MAO’S UTTER RUTHLESSNESS and correctly saw in him a proper son of Marx and Lenin, a kindred evil spirit.
(end of section 5)
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Why was the German concession in the Chinese province of Shandong not given back to China after World War I?
ChatGPT:
The decision not to return the German concession in the Chinese province of Shandong to China was influenced by several factors, including geopolitical considerations, power dynamics among the Allied powers, and the desire to maintain control over key territories in East Asia.
Here are some details:
Allied negotiations and power dynamics:
The Treaty of Versailles, which was the peace settlement that ended World War I, was negotiated primarily among the Allied powers, including France, Britain, the United States, and Italy.
Japan, although not a major player in Europe, had contributed significantly to the Allied war effort, particularly in the Pacific.
As a result, Japan held considerable influence during the negotiations.
Japan sought to expand its territorial holdings in East Asia, including China, as part of its broader imperial ambitions.
Japanese interests in China:
Japan had long-standing economic and strategic interests in China.
The Japanese government viewed control over the Shandong Peninsula, with its valuable port city of Tsingtao (Qingdao), as a way to extend its influence and gain access to important trade routes in East Asia.
By acquiring the former German concession in Shandong, Japan aimed to strengthen its position in China and assert its dominance in the region.
Chinese objections:
Despite China's participation in World War I as one of the Allied powers, its interests were often marginalized during the negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference.
China's demands for the return of the Shandong concession and other territories were largely ignored by the dominant Allied powers.
This fueled resentment and frustration among Chinese nationalists, who saw the decision as a violation of China's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Political instability in China:
In the aftermath of World War I, China was grappling with internal divisions, political turmoil, and the rise of regional warlords.
The weakness of the central government made it difficult for China to assert its claims effectively on the international stage.
This lack of cohesion and strength undermined China's ability to challenge the decisions made by the Allied powers regarding territorial arrangements in East Asia.
Legacy of imperialism:
The allocation of former German territories in China, including the Shandong concession, reflected the broader patterns of imperialism and colonialism prevalent during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
The interests of powerful Western and Asian nations often took precedence over the aspirations of colonized peoples, leading to the imposition of unequal treaties and the loss of territorial sovereignty for many countries, including China.
In summary, the decision not to return the German concession in Shandong to China was driven by a combination of geopolitical calculations, power dynamics among the Allied powers, Japanese expansionism, Chinese weakness, and the legacy of imperialism.
These factors contributed to the perpetuation of territorial injustices and tensions in East Asia during the aftermath of World War I.
…
Why did President support giving the German concession in the Chinese province of Shandong to Japan after World War I?
ChatGPT:
President Woodrow Wilson's support for Japan's control of the German concession in the Chinese province of Shandong during the negotiations of the Treaty of Versailles can be attributed to several factors:
Geopolitical considerations:
President Wilson was primarily focused on securing the peace settlement and establishing the League of Nations, an international organization aimed at promoting collective security and preventing future conflicts.
In pursuit of these goals, Wilson prioritized maintaining good relations with key Allied powers, including Japan.
Supporting Japan's territorial claims in East Asia was seen as a way to ensure Japanese cooperation in the broader post-war peace efforts.
Strategic partnership with Japan:
During World War I, Japan had been a valuable ally of the United States and other Allied powers, contributing military forces and resources to the war effort, particularly in the Pacific theater.
Wilson recognized the importance of maintaining a strong partnership with Japan to uphold stability and security in the Asia-Pacific region.
Supporting Japan's expansionist ambitions in China, including the acquisition of the Shandong concession, was part of this strategic calculus.
Balance of power in East Asia:
Wilson and other Allied leaders were concerned about maintaining a balance of power in East Asia to prevent the resurgence of conflict and instability in the region.
Japan's control of the Shandong Peninsula was viewed as a means to counterbalance the influence of other imperial powers, such as Britain and France, in East Asia.
By granting Japan control over the former German concession, Wilson sought to maintain stability and equilibrium in the region, albeit at the expense of Chinese sovereignty.
Limited influence over territorial disputes:
Despite advocating for the principle of national self-determination and the rights of smaller nations, Wilson faced practical constraints in influencing territorial disputes and colonial arrangements among the Allied powers.
The negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference were characterized by complex power dynamics and competing interests, making it difficult for Wilson to challenge Japan's claims over the Shandong concession.
Pragmatic considerations:
In the context of the broader peace negotiations and the establishment of the League of Nations, Wilson may have made concessions on certain territorial issues to secure broader agreements and compromises among the Allied powers.
While Wilson may have sympathized with China's grievances over the loss of territory, his overriding priority was to achieve a comprehensive peace settlement and lay the groundwork for international cooperation and collective security in the post-war world.
Overall, President Wilson's support for Japan's control of the Shandong concession reflected a combination of strategic, diplomatic, and pragmatic considerations aimed at securing the broader objectives of the post-war peace settlement and maintaining stability in East Asia.
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