From China and Taiwan. Steven Goldstein. 2015. Kindle online sample. Section 2.
Both Taiwan nationalist and China communist sides sought a better rapport, and, by means of ambiguous statements, muted disagreements or simple papering over the still sharp divisions over Taiwan, SINO-AMERICAN RELATIONS WENT AHEAD INTO THE 1990S – AND INTO A NEW STAGE IN THE TRIANGULAR RELATIONSHIP.
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The roots of this new orientation and the subsequent shift in Taiwan's policy that resulted were in the past.
Specifically, they were the result of a unique historic relationship between Taiwan and the mainland of China as well as the impact of the period of KMT authoritarian rule.
In the mid-seventeenth century, Taiwan finally became a minor subdivision of the Chinese empire.
IN THE EARLY 1600s THE ISLAND HAD BEEN BETTER KNOWN TO PIRATES IN THE AREA THAN IT WAS TO THE RULERS OF CHINA.
After two centuries of neglect by the mainland, Taiwan finally achieved provincial status.
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However, after less than a decade TAIWAN WAS CEDED TO THE JAPANESE EMPIRE IN 1895, following China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, and became Tokyo's first colony.
It retained that status for fifty years, until Japan's surrender at the end of World War II.
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When the Kuomintang army arrived to reclaim Taiwan after the war, it encountered AN ETHNICALLY CHINESE POPULATION THAT APPEARED TO BE MORE JAPANESE THAN CHINESE and shared little of the antipathy to Japan felt by the arriving mainlanders, who had just endured eight years of brutal occupation and war.
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The clash of cultures and history between the arrivals from the mainland (known as waisheng) and the Taiwanese (known as bensheng) became immediately apparent, and tensions grew, leading to an armed confrontation in 1947.
The brutal suppression of local activists by mainland troops marked the end of any hope of greater self-rule for the islanders and INITIATED AN AUTHORITARIAN ROC GOVERNMENT DOMINATED BY THE KUOMINTANG, NEWLY ARRIVED IN TAIWAN.
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This cleavage between these two populations came to define Taiwan politics for more than four decades, as the mainlander government moved to reshape the island to meet its needs in the civil war against its enemy across the strait.
TAIWAN WAS SUBJECTED TO WHAT AMOUNTED TO MILITARY RULE, which suspended the constitution and virtually excluded the local population from political participation except at the very local level.
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In an effort to rally the population around the cause of retaking the mainland, the KMT GOVERNMENT SOUGHT TO “SINIFY” THE LOCAL POPULATION BY IMPOSING MAINLAND VALUES, history, and language to replace those associated with Taiwan.
The result of these policies was, over time, much of the resistance to authoritarian rule came to be associated with the bensheng population, who, in reaction to the forced Sinification, fashioned the island's past into a narrative, contrary to the official policy, emphasized its distinctive history and identity as well as its extended separation from the mainland.
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Eventual democratization on Taiwan not only led to a questioning of the assumption regarding the island's status as a part of China, it also saw the end of the earlier refusal of the government to have any contacts with the “enemies” on the mainland.
Democracy empowered the business community, and, with commercial interests leading the way, CONTACT RATHER THAN CONFLICT BETWEEN THE TWO SIDES BECAME THE DOMINANT THEME IN CROSS-STRAIT RELATIONS.
In 1992, this new stage in the relationship was marked by a meeting between unofficial organizations from the Taiwan and China sides – the first since 1945.
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In short, Taiwan's earlier policies of hostility and refusal to allow any contact with the mainland – outside of military provocations promoted by a bitter, defeated KMT leadership – were ended.
The foundations of the unprecedented, MULTIFACETED RELATIONSHIP IN TRADE, INVESTMENT, TOURISM, AND OFFICIAL CONSULTATIONS that characterize contemporary cross-strait relations were laid.
However, this policy was now subject to the pressures of a Taiwan electorate far more ambivalent about the political nature of the relationship and strongly reluctant to replace Taiwan self-rule with rule by the mainland government.
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After the 1990s, the United States and China were forced to adjust to policies resulting from domestic politics in Taiwan over which they had little control and which were increasingly coming to shape the triangular configuration of relations.
For the mainland, THE RESULT WAS THE MANAGEMENT OF CROSS-STRAIT RELATIONS BECAME DRAMATICALLY MORE COMPLICATED.
The relationship with Taiwan that developed after the 1990s was a multifaceted one that encompassed a wide range of issues, including investment, culture, tourist exchanges, and governmental agreements.
The relationship operated on many levels, involving individual citizens, CCP party members, and Taiwan government officials.
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Most challenging for the communist mainland were the domestic political currents on Taiwan, which often pushed the limits of Beijing's long-established policies regarding the island's relationship with the mainland.
FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES LAID DOWN BY THE MAINLAND IN THE PREVIOUS PERIOD WERE PROVING ILL-SUITED TO THE NEW DEMOCRATIC TAIWAN ENVIRONMENT.
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The same could be said for China's relationship with the United States. Frustration in managing an increasingly complex cross-strait relationship often CAUSED BEIJING TO LOOK TO THE UNITED STATES AS EITHER A CAUSE OF, OR A SOLUTION TO, ITS PROBLEMS.
The distrust of American motives rooted in the previous period remained.
This threatened at times to disrupt Sino-American relations, while at others Beijing looked to Washington to cooperate in limiting provocative behavior on the part of the newly democratic Taiwan.
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The new period in cross-strait relations posed challenges for the United States as well.
In the period after recognition, domestic political pressures and concerns for the American image in Asia had required a delicate balance be maintained between ENHANCING THE POST-COLD WAR RELATIONSHIP WITH CHINA AND APPEARING NOT TO ABANDON TAIWAN.
After democratization on Taiwan this balance was complicated, on the one hand, by a Chinese military build-up in response to the uncertain direction of cross-strait relations and, on the other, by the possibility that provocative policies resulting from Taiwan's new democratic politics would trigger a mainland response.
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American policy became once one of dual deterrence.
China was a far more formidable opponent and a democratic Taiwan more difficult to restrain.
In the period previous to democratization the provocation on Taiwan's part that might drag the United States into a war was military in nature.
Now the principal danger was provocative actions resulting from the island's domestic politics would be the CAUSE OF A MILITARY RESPONSE FROM THE MAINLAND THAT COULD INVOLVE THE UNITED STATES.
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Today the United States remains very much in the middle of the cross-strait relationship.
Its options in playing its role in the reconfigured triangle, like those of the mainland, are constrained by past policies and perceptions.
Moreover, in dealing with the two sides, WASHINGTON IS BOUND BY AMBIGUOUS COMMITMENTS AND AGREEMENTS OF THE EARLIER PERIOD.
This only increases the difficulty of the U.S. position.
(end of section 2)
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Own comments and ChatGPT summaries:
Section 1:
“Taiwan's status was considered a matter to be settled by the two sides themselves, and Beijing's representatives consistently argued China would accept nothing less than American abandonment of Taiwan – an unlikely step given the political environment in the United States.”
The China-Taiwan conflict, the war in Ukraine and all “international conflicts” will naturally, easily be solved and avoided in the near future.
The United States does not have physically violent conflicts among its states.
The U.S. fought the Civil War and took over the South and now the South does not want physical violence against the North.
The U.S. fought Japan and took over Japan and now Japan does not want physical violence against the U.S.
The South and Japan lost, accepted they had been wrong, the wars and killing stopped, and both assimilated then flourished.
Now, one is part of the U.S. and the other is not in name but practically is.
Soon tHAT will happen for the entire world, a sort of greater-U.S., U.S. of the World, but only if HATrs turn round squares soon including making the U.S. more attractive to join with.
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Fundamentally it is no matter who dominates Taiwan and the Ukrainian territories now occupied by Russia.
Soon tHAT - expanded renewed reinvigorated U.S. model, one language, one currency, free goods, people, and assets movement - will envelope the world.
Countries and divisions of countries, including China, Taiwan, Russia, and Ukraine, will become (as if) U.S. states: friendly and cooperative, not physically violent competitors
THAT God’s straight-forward Rubric Cube to do in zat odd satan’s wend-backward Rubik Cube.
Soon Xi and Putin will be seen as two of the greatest HATrs: the ultimate negative-side world-changing fire-inspirers, All part of Love’s sweet plan.
(Byrds song Change Is Now)
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Section 2
Democratization of Taiwan, ChatGPT summary:
Taiwan has undergone a significant democratization process over the past few decades.
Prior to the 1980s, Taiwan was ruled by a one-party authoritarian government. However, following a period of social and political unrest, the government began to gradually loosen its grip on power.
In 1987, Taiwan's government lifted martial law and allowed opposition parties to form.
The following year, the first direct presidential election was held, and in 1991, Taiwan's legislature became fully elected.
Since then, Taiwan has held several free and fair elections, with peaceful transfers of power between political parties.
Taiwan's democratization has been characterized by a growing emphasis on civil liberties, human rights, and transparency in government.
The country now has a vibrant civil society, free press, and independent judiciary.
However, Taiwan's path to democratization has not been without challenges.
The country still faces pressure from China, which considers Taiwan to be a part of its territory and has not ruled out the use of force to bring it under its control.
Additionally, Taiwan's democracy has been threatened by corruption and electoral violence in some instances.
Overall, Taiwan's democratization has been a remarkable success story, and the country serves as an inspiration to others seeking to transition from authoritarian rule to democracy.
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